Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn surveillance. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng
Hiển thị các bài đăng có nhãn surveillance. Hiển thị tất cả bài đăng

Thứ Tư, 1 tháng 5, 2013

Firefox maker says British surveillance company has hijacked its brand to help spy on targets

  • Firefox Logo

The maker of one of the Internet's most popular browsers is taking on one of the world's best known purveyors of surveillance software.

The Mozilla Foundation — responsible for the Firefox browser — accuses Britain's Gamma International Ltd. of hijacking the Firefox brand to camouflage Gamma's electronic espionage products.

Researchers have found several samples of Gamma's FinFisher spy software disguised as a Firefox file, apparently in an effort to fool computer users into believing the virus is harmless.

Mozilla says in a statement that it has formally demanded Gamma end the practice, which it calls abusive.

Gamma, based in the English town of Andover, has recently found itself in the spotlight over the surveillance software it markets to governments and law enforcement.

Gamma did not return emails seeking comment Wednesday.


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Thứ Sáu, 26 tháng 4, 2013

The false security of surveillance cameras

In the wake of the Boston Marathon bombing, which saw the use of footage from cell phones and closed circuit TV cameras to help identify the suspected bombers, pundits and elected officials alike have been singing the praises of urban camera networks—and suggesting that ever more such government surveillance is the key to stopping future attacks. 

But a closer look at the facts suggests just the opposite: Dispersed “Little Brother” monitoring by private cameras can provide many of the benefits of centralized  “Big Brother” surveillance by governments—but without the public expense or risks to civil liberties.

Slate’s Farhad Majoo led the call for more surveillance in a column titled “We Need More Cameras, and We Need Them Now.” 

Lamenting that Boston boasts fewer than 60 law-enforcement-controlled CCTV cameras (excluding those in the subway system), Manjoo suggested that more at the scene of the bombing might have given police “a chance to see something” before the explosions that killed three and wounded scores more.

Elected officials got in on the act as well. New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg called the bombings “a terrible reminder” of the need for “investments” in technologies like the city’s $200 million “Ring of Steel,” comprising some 3,000 cameras just in lower Manhattan. 

Rep. Mike King (R-NY) told MSNBC that we “need more cameras” in order to “stay ahead of the terrorists…who are constantly trying to kill us.”

Realistically, surveillance cameras are typically going to be valuable after an attack, in helping the authorities identify and apprehend the perpetrators.

Random acts of violence inevitably make us feel anxious and helpless, and it’s only natural to want to believe that if we only figure out the right policy, we can somehow prevent such events from ever recurring. 

But this particular control fantasy seems especially implausible here. 

Between the throngs of spectators and police on the scene and the television cameras broadcasting the event, the Boston Marathon must have been one of the most monitored spots in the country on that grim afternoon. 

That we can identify suspects from video footage after the fact—knowing the time, location and method of the attack—does not make it realistic to suppose an observer at a monitor station could have identified the impending attack and intervened in time when those on the ground did not, however comforting that supposition might be. 

Terror attacks are (thankfully) so rare and varied that any system with the slightest chance of detecting a real one would necessarily yield a vast, paralyzing number of false positives.

It is also unlikely that cameras will be especially helpful in deterring such attacks.  Even when it comes to ordinary crime—where the perpetrators are generally motivated by the desire to make a quick buck without getting caught—studies have been mixed and inconclusive about the value of CCTV cameras as a crime deterrent. 

Some show significant declines in crime in some regions of cities with camera networks, which may be attributable to the cameras—but many show no discernible effect at all. 

If the deterrent power of cameras against ordinary criminals remains in question, how much more doubtful is it in the rare case of the individuals unbalanced and committed enough to spend weeks plotting mass murder?

Realistically, surveillance cameras are typically going to be valuable after an attack, in helping the authorities identify and apprehend the perpetrators. 

Yet we don’t need costly public camera networks for that—as the Boston investigation shows.

The most useful footage of that heavily-recorded bomb site came from a nearby Lord & Taylor department store. 

Days later, when a botched 7-Eleven robbery was erroneously ascribed to the bombers, footage from the store itself that helped clarify facts.  And back in 2011, it was a Safeway grocery store’s camera that captured the shooting of former Rep. Gabby Giffords in Tucson. 

It may be slightly less convenient, but police routinely use video from private security cameras to investigate serious crimes.

Does it really matter who’s recording us if we’re on tape everywhere? It surely might. A diffuse array of privately-owned “Little Brothers” provide much of the same value to police as a centralized and networked Big Brother system—but without posing serious civil liberties concerns. 

Citywide networks are far more susceptible to abuses, ranging from the merely crass—as in the case of the British operators convicted of using public cameras to peep through a young woman’s bedroom window—to the politically disturbing—as when New York police used cameras and license plate scanners to track attendance at local mosques. 

As face recognition technology improves, centralized systems should raise even more concerns: It may soon be possible to create detailed retroactive records of particular individuals’ activities—a type of monitoring so intrusive the Supreme Court recently suggested it could implicate our Fourth Amendment rights even if limited to “public” spaces.

It is tempting to believe a sufficiently omniscient government can keep us safe from all harm—but it is not realistic,  and when it comes to public camera networks, succumbing to wishful thinking is likely to be both costly and perilous to civil liberties. 

Instead of yearning for a protective Big Brother, we should attend to the ways the proliferation of Little Brothers can aid police without the need for an expensive and dangerous architecture of centralized surveillance. 

Julian Sanchez is a research fellow at the Cato Institute.


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Thứ Hai, 4 tháng 3, 2013

Big Brother? US linked to new wave of censorship, surveillance on web

Even the most open, democratic governments have sought laws and new forms of surveillance that many see as a new wave of censorship -- and that includes the United States.

The U.S. government asked Google for data on its users more than 31,000 times in 2012 alone, for example. And the government rarely obtained a search warrant first, Google recently revealed; in nearly all cases, the company ended up turning over at least some data.

Some argue that heightened surveillance, restrictions on Internet freedom and even censorship are necessary to protect intellectual property rights, prevent cyberespionage, fight child pornography, and protect national interests such as nuclear power plants from hackers. And here the U.S. is far from alone.

"A number of democratic states have considered or implemented various restrictions in response to the potential legal, economic, and security challenges raised by new media," notes the Freedom House report "Freedom on the Net 2012."

Anxiety over online theft and cyberattacks is not unwarranted. Virtually every major U.S. company and media outlet has been a victim. Google was attacked back in 2009. Facebook, Apple and Microsoft revealed this month that hackers had breeched their defenses. And The New York Times and Wall Street Journal have fought off Chinese hackers for months. Indeed, dozens of countries have their own online hacking groups -- so-called cyber or asymmetrical warfare divisions.

'A number of democratic states have considered or implemented various restrictions.'

- Freedom House report Freedom on the Net 2012

"It's been going on in China since at least at least May 2002," said Alan Paller, founder of the SANS Institute, an information security and training firm.

Consequently, lawmakers -- even President Obama in his State of the Union speech -- have been motivated to take steps to stem the hacking tide. However, the road to better security could also stifle free speech.

When the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) met in Dubai in December, some 89 member countries including Russia, China, Cuba, and Iran, supported a treaty that would give individual governments more control over the Internet's infrastructure. 

Sensing a thinly veiled attempt to suppress dissent, 55 countries -- including Canada and the U.S. -- said no.

While the agreement has failed (for the time being), individual governments -- including Canada and the U.S. -- continue to introduce their own legislation to control what's online.

North of the border, for example, the Canadian government proposed Bill C-30, known as the Protecting Children from Internet Predators Act. Proponents claimed the measure was designed to combat the exploitation of children, but it required Internet service providers to create monitoring systems that would allow the police to intercept and track all online communications -- without a warrant. The public reaction was so fiercely opposed to Bill C-30 that Canadian authorities were forced to withdraw it this month.

On this side of the border, the U.S. government continues to conduct warrantless online searches. Thanks to outdated laws such as the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986 and other regulations protecting copyrighted materials, U.S. authorities are increasingly looking at private online communications, often without any oversight by a judge.

Google says it has seen a 70 percent increase in requests from authorities for information about its users, information which includes private e-mails and search data. The biggest requester? The U.S. government, which sought information 8,438 times in the last six months of 2012. Google complied with those requests in roughly 88 percent of the cases.

While Google states it is against such broad government access to personal information -- dealing with such requests costs Google time and money -- where it stands on strict Internet freedoms is mutable.

Shortly before his State of the Union speech, President Obama signed an executive order designed to let federal government agencies share critical cyberthreat information with private companies to protect companies involved in supporting the nation's critical infrastructure.

“We know hackers steal people’s identities and infiltrate private e-mail," the President said in his speech. "We cannot look back years from now and wonder why we did nothing in the face of real threats to our security and our economy."

Even though the data shared by the government could include personal information, in this case companies have been in favor of the executive order. The reason: private firms don't have to in turn share data their data about their users with the government.

However, that may be about to change. As the President implied, Congress is working on reintroducing the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act (CISPA). It would enable companies to divulge private information to government authorities if the companies perceived some form of "cyber threats." Any personal information -- Facebook jokes, Twitter tussles, errant Web searches -- could be handed over to a variety of government agencies if that information has anything to do with the potential vulnerability of a computer network.

"CISPA offers broad immunities to companies who choose to share data with government agencies," the Electronic Frontier Foundation's Mark M. Jaycox explained in a blog post. "It also creates avenues for companies to share data with any federal agencies, including military intelligence agencies like the National Security Agency."

While congress has yet to hammer out new, possibly more precise, language for a reintroduced CISPA bill, the powers it grants to both private companies and government authorities could end up making them partners in nationwide surveillance -- the same complaint often levied against countries like China.

Follow John R. Quain on Twitter @jqontech or find more tech coverage at J-Q.com.


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